Public policies: between politics and administration, notes about the Moroccan case Dr. Hassan Tariq Hassan University first-Morocco

abstract
The complex relationship between administration and politics is largely a problem prior to the analysis of public policy approaches. She was attractive topic for many philosophical studies that worked on the presence of science and technology as the betting authority.
Today the area of ​​public policies is not far from the problem of strained relations between the administrative and the political, and even less that of the decline of the democratic representative system. Indeed, although public political actors are not all civil servants of the administration, the fact remains that the administrative apparatus remains the main part of the contribution to the formulation of these policies

The relationship between the political changes that Morocco for two decades and the approach adopted in the formulation of public policy design and evaluation are a food for thought. In this context, one might ask some questions about the impact of the transition and political opening on public policy, through the evaluation of the degree of "increasing politicization" of these starting from the Assuming a process with the purpose of the "détechnocratiser". To do this, it is to answer the question: What interest grants parliament to public policy, and how it works to enrich the public debate on these issues and strengthen the culture of evaluation and monitoring of those these?
While this study can not claim to embrace all the contours of these issues that need further and more empirical research. Also, we will limit ourselves to some preliminary remarks on the limits between politics and administration in the field of public policies in Morocco. Hence the need on the one hand, to examine the "fragility" of the legislative institution and political circles in their relationship with public policy and, on the other hand, to raise the rooting technocratic management as a tool, among others, the political and administrative system. But before that, it must quickly consider the relationship between the dimensions of public policy and politics

First, public policies within the confusions administration, politics and democracy:

First literature focused for the analysis of public policies, since its inception on the close relationship between public policies and democracy everybody this policy level, the building conceived and implemented is through the intervention of a group of politicians and administrators actors in charge of the functions of the supreme interest, and crossings for democratic series, the dynamic formulation These policies are open to many forms of participation oriented to integrate the different expressions multiple social interests, public policies at all stages of crystallized remain subject to political stampede trying to integrate Alantzarat contradictory within the process of providing the answer to the global problems, that this diagram according to vary according to the times and countries and in view also of the nature of political systems (1) and the level democratize, public policies is a key entry point for understanding "of democracy in the case of the verb" (2).

The difference between the political systems as well as cast Badoah on the contribution of the administrative apparatus in the formulation of public policies, if it was natural that this device involved in this formulation, the role and the weight of his participation varies from one political system to another, The role played by the - usually - in developing countries relatively larger role than in developed countries. (3)

Because of this relationship between the administrative and political precedent as problematic much from the moment of the emergence of approaches public policy analysis, it has been the subject tempting for many of the philosophical detective who worked on the presence of science and technology bet Authority (Habermas work, for example, a special study on the technical ideology). The phenomena of bureaucracy and rational state and Altguenqratih, has become a classic problematic for political sociology (4), through Search shift of power from the hands of politicians to spaces senior staff Altguenqratih and competencies that are used technical competencies for the exercise of political power and influence on political decision-making, where often The word "Altguenaqrat" Kdhah look in the mouths of politicians (5).

I have stood many of the studies (Acts Crozier, for example) that the growing influence of business management and administrative organs to the political sphere, may lead to the conversion of the administrative system to a system of power a stand-alone, the authority is mainly based on the competence and experience and specialization in the management of public affairs, which gives professional bureaucracy especially legitimacy depends on the possession of knowledge and Taatnmy evolution and complexity of the problems and complexity (6).

For some, the historical administrative and political problematic roots, dating back to Danametin Ssayastin Arafthma modern state, the first dynamic linked to the state as a an administrative bureaucratic crystallization as a result of the series of rationalization (Acts weber) The second dynamic orders from the state political form: representative government, dependency management trends of public administration (7 ), it Ketblor series democratization of the state.

There is no doubt that the return of the debate about this problem, coincides well with Toather talk about "the end of politics" and the public deficit (l'impuissance publique), especially with the impact of globalization of markets and the dominance of the global financial aspects, on the economies and has been on the political decision, in an era of experience Altguenqratih Almstgneh from politics, through the de-politicization management urges the impact of the rule of the economy so that some thinkers from the previous scientism emission in dress talking tendency Tguenoah contemporary, until it became the field of politics has been swept by a speech expert, technical and theology management, and economic needs and the urgent communication (8 ).

The policy is not far from the problems of the tension between the administrative and political, not for Problems of representative democratic system atrophy, while the workers of public policies are not all the management staff, the administrative apparatus remains the main window to contribute to the formulation of these policies (9).

When we recover tracer (P. Muller) about four circles for the manufacture of public policies: Pyramid State Department, political and executive leadership, the Department of intervening sectoral departments in their areas of competence, actors circle outside the state: unions, professional bodies, businessmen .. Then the fourth district included bodies political, councils parliamentary councils elders .. and for the bodies of judicial constitutional councils and boards of state councils of the accounts (10), the basic conclusion is reflected most clearly in the fact that the political actor is not necessarily a specific inevitable public policy, especially when you stand on the dichotomy between the space of political representation on the one hand and space public policies on the other. Where the controls in the second space logic networks and where government jobs engaged by the actors are not elected (agencies, networks of experts, interest groups ..), even when engaged in by the elected, they seem lost all of any ability to mediate between the functions of the production of social and dirt Altovqat and the functions of production public policies, which is problematic political surveillance of the policies of economic and social control (11).

We are almost in front of two models for the construction of public policies: what he calls (J.Leca) no congruence between the "electoral politics" the mouthpiece of the political competition for elected and members of the government, where voters are opting among a group "projects", governments must be applied in the form of public policy. And "problems policy" where elected members of the government are not only just an actor among others, which makes the subject of public policies for many local social systems and a range of negotiations and mutual calendars and daily Turaziat far from the electoral logic (12).

In this direction, it must be said that the researchers have not only exercised in the shifts the political world and spaces of representation on public policy impact, but also stood on the opposite direction of the equation, where spotted effect shifts the public reaction and public policies on the practice of politics and political action, through the transformation of forms of political legitimacy since the acquisition of the electoral mandate is no longer the only form of the legality, but added to the legality of the nature of dispensationalism, been through the transformation of the rules of political action and discourse actors who have become demanding double speech: speech with the nature of partisan confrontational Tqatabah the one hand and discourse on public policies based on the limited options political and magnitude of technical, economic and managerial constraints on the other hand (13) is the transformation will eventually lead to the function Almenbrip political life crisis (14).

Despite all of these signals around engaged in research on the relationship of "politics" of public policy trends, some of the studies that started from cases EMPIRICAL (in European trials) has reached to the results do not go in the direction of the delivery back down fatalist policy in determining the orientations of the public act, these studies were considered that public policies known in recent years profound transformations associated with two variables, first relates to the great openness, who knew the series of policy formulation to the public, and the second is related to travel, "Turabi," which has become strongly present in the new generations of policies, and this is what made the dominance Altguenqratih public policies, through Control experience in the series for the implementation of this research become part of the past (15).

Second, the presence of public policies within the Moroccan public space:

It goes without saying that the search for the limits of politics and administration, in the formulation of policies, mainly linked to wonder about the extent of the presence of policies as one of the stakes of the public space: in the parliament, the political parties, in the polling stations, and generally in all public dialogue circles ...

The level of Parliament, the conclusions of research on this subject, intersect dramatically, to emphasize the palaces of Parliamentary influence policy structure (16) In the absence of a parliamentary recording methodology in the field of policy formulation (17).

The reasons for this, multiple, where the determinants of institutional is not enough on its own to explain the failure or weakness of the cost-effectiveness of parliamentary work proceeds, quantitative and qualitative shortcoming, is not confined only in what is technical or normative respect to the various formalities and rulers or substantive that restrict the terms of reference of Parliament both in terms of the initiative or the debate, but also due to the political and human resources that have the capacity to remain good or bad management and investment of various powers vested in them (18).

The problem of resources, are also linked to the weakness of crews experts placed under parliamentary work signal, (the rate of one officer for every 12 parliamentary), at a time when everyone acknowledges that the legislative institutions do not develop in a relationship roles, but based on the knowledge provided by her experience in the field of public policies ( 19).

If the moment the budget debate, in theory, make up one of the strongest parliamentary moments associated with the dialogue on policies, where the budget in the end is only a financial translation of the orientations of public policies, the shape made by the general budget to Parliament subject institutionally vertical approach, where allocations show by doors and by imports, making it difficult even for a specialist to determine the total amount destined for each program and each public policy, horizontally regardless of the sectoral approach (20).

The preparation and submission of the budget is dominated by the technical specifications at the expense of the political debate and deliberation possibilities (21) in the debate on the government statement is dominated by the polarization of the majority / opposition, and this is not always reflected Tqataba about public policies, clearly. The technical questions as a mechanism for censorship seems captive to local concerns, and far to be a mechanism integrated in the context of a political conception to assess and monitor and follow up on public policies.

All these elements refer to the limits of a public investment of Parliament as a space (22) of the political debate continues over public policies (23). In and out of work (Habermas) Some researchers have concluded that the possibility could not be considered until Parliament as a space to check the public sphere cash (24).

Overall The debate about public policies, not a one of the stakes of the actors in parliamentary work, more so that the moment of such suitable legislative elections, does not look loaded are the other obsession of this debate, as it did not form, for example, legislation in 2007, a moment of symmetry between political speeches or to transfer precisely They did not constitute a moment for the emergence of political letters bearing clear references about the proposed public policies activated. All of this was compensated Tguenoah letters or letters of moral (25).

I "discovered" the Moroccan political parties, during this benefits the saying "election program", and instead of the latter expressing his articulation between the political and ideological identity of the party and among the public policies that are being proposed: turning the latter, urges the impact of introspection Moroccan Party ideology Altguenqratih, to pack and procedures and partial answers technique numbers (26), inside the elections known to miss the public debate and Polarity about ideas and policies into just local conflicts between the Senate and the dignitaries and influential people.

Describes the follow-up to the Moroccan political and party life, that the essence of the public political dialogue is linked to the direction of state policy parking lots, parking lots circumstantial, Cardod daily do, not linked to politics: public as policies and Kojobh on the community's questions.

Economic and social issues are often deferred look in front of almost absolute priority to political issues (related to the conflict or in accordance with the Authority) (27).

Regulatory translation of this fact, reflected in the absence of any reference to the commission or committee concerned with public policy, within the internal systems of the majority of Moroccan parties. While some may consider that it is possible to enter the time of "rotation" political implications, is the return policy debate as one of the stakes of the Moroccan political field, this analysis did not stand up to the actors partisan Moroccans who deal with government participation strategy, mainly as an area to manage the relationship with the state, and not to the production policies.

The historical sediment, within the parties, worked to adapt their reactions makes it a primary obsession is to think of the political issue (the issue of state power, the Constitution ...). Perhaps this is part of the legacy that kept him from the stage of the political parties of the conflict with the state.

Finally, the general weakness to attend public policies within the space of dialogue, as well as in some way due to the limited contribution of civil society, university and research centers in the follow-up and analysis and evaluation of policies.

Third, public policies should be between the traditions of the measure Altguenqrati and the effects of political transformations:

Historically, it was considered running "Altguenqratih legend" especially in the interpretation of the anti-partisan, one of the key components of the tools disciple authoritarian Moroccan political system (28), and if the transformations that have defined this system in the direction of openness and liberal largest may have contributed to the Anhoudar political legitimacy to the formula Altguenqratih, they did not prevent the return of this formula in the political / partisan image, where Altguenqrati it seems to be hired political party and not vice versa. (29) It is what makes the phenomenon generally Altguenqratih given structurally within the Moroccan political life, affected by what he calls Mr. Abdullah Saaf administrative Balnmtih (fonctionnarisation ), through the strong presence of staff central institutions and a link to the new slides governance, and the rule of idea about the system, assimilated, such as building a hierarchical at its peak Prime hierarchical (Batron) is the process of encouragement or rebuke, and the presence of specification "High employee" style essential political life .. and this is what led the critical spread of the culture of the state, which is itself Bnzoat Moroccan citizens to convert to an audience of administrators citizens, to expand the administrative circles of life at the expense of political life. (30)

Some researchers have deliberately to build a kind of identification between the dominant presence of the staff and administrators within the French political echelon and the Moroccan case, it is that different contexts may make the content of the French experience is based on the increasing politicization of the public service, while the content of the Moroccan experience based on "Albercrdoh" protracted political measure . And given the form the administrative apparatus within a dynamic building it depends logic states of domination, which does not allow the lowest neutrality career possibilities for management in the relationship between state and society.

It's natural in front of accumulations created by administrative practice / bureaucracy in Morocco, which produced the belief is that any effective policy setting is through the exclusion of "political" (31), that are converted nature of the debate about public policies of political and moral sphere to Altdbera, technical and procedural field .

This is what makes the political decision, rather than be the result of public and political trading, prisoners to experience single "mono expertise" urges permanent pressure to rush (32), many of the "reformers" think wrong that the reform does not need a policy and even go so far as to establish a conflict between Reform and politics, arguing that reform Tguenaqrattiya purely character, and is dedicated Allazias prevailing trend and invasive Moroccan space (33).

Allazias phenomenon, which take many forms, and can not be reduced only to get away from political work in some way, but that of their types tendency to deal lens technician with the major political issues and depoliticization for public policies and the tendency to Tguencrdotha (34).

The manifestation of the dominance of management and logic Altguenqrati on the logic of politics in public policies, penetrates all the latter stages, from the moment building references to the drafting stage and up to the time of the evaluation, without talking of course about the implementation phase moment of administrative technique par excellence.

The references in circulation in many of the social and economic policies, inspired by without the slightest reservation institution Citations technical letters of the international financial institutions and some organizations of the United Nations system (case, for example, the concept of good governance) while seeing a strong return to resort to the offices of Foreign Studies in the formulation of a significant impact on the issues of horizontal policies economic and social schemes both in the formula or with a range of time-average programs, outside of any interest Bouktath logic analog (35) political and parliamentary and trading, especially with the frequency of generation of institutions and agencies that already exist outside the logic of political control.

The moment of assessment are the other remains captive to the same technical logic / administrative, and through the absence of the political side embodied in the weakness of the parliamentary institution, absence of production capacity of the independent expertise of the legislative authority puts it in the position dependence of the administration (36) and a prisoner of the paradox pivotal: that Parliament be associated with management in order to Monitoring these same administration, as, for example, often based on commissions of inquiry to the General Inspectorate of the financial reports, which Parliament can not base independent information on what Taatdolh production departments.

On the other hand, the Moroccan parliament is not available, the institutional mechanisms to measure openness to the citizens and the civil society in the discussion of public policies and trading around (37).

The dominance of the technical and administrative aspects necessarily mean marginalized to the principles of accountability and oversight, Behind Altguenqrati and political conflict lies another level of conflict does not usually resolved only preferences ad valorem: What are the values ​​that must be given priority in the formulation and implementation of public policies, efficiency and effectiveness or accountability? (38 ).

If it was possible summary, to monitor the relationship between policy and management path for public policies, they are limited impact of the dynamics of the political transformation that has defined our country on any "politicization" growing of such policies, especially when they proceed from the premise that link between the democratic transformations that have taken place in many countries and the role played by the reactivation of the "political" as an authoritarian (39).

The interpretation of this limitation, it is necessary to take into account what might be called the relative autonomy enjoyed by the policy, compared with the political sphere and transformations, I have to stop "Flip Pro" for example, the paradox of the sudden continuity at the sectoral policy level, despite the political changes root. (40)

The question is, Is it possible to withdraw this paradox that concern the content of the policies, in the form of engineering and drafting as well?

When we return to the political contexts, the phase shift, which began in our country since the nineties of the last century, surely we will find that the idea of ​​the transition were not institution in depth the content of the linked perception of iron sheet of the policies, as they were based on the perception of politics and power relations opposition, despite the fact that the speech cradle of openness and liberal political (relative), some of his arguments had built on open and public assessment of the overall policies implemented since independence (letter cardiac arrest).

This shift did not affect the depth of the distribution of power and the nature of political decision-making "humility" analog domain, Matta as one of the constant institutional constraints before giving policy debate, another dimension more sophisticated.

Moreover, this transition phase, have been known on the one hand a kind of redefine the ownership of the institution, as the property executive active in the field of public policies, on the other hand, focused on the "compatibility" methodology as a basis for the formulation of many of those policies, the methodology by their nature unanimous, was mostly done on the logic of institutions account, majority / minority logic.